“A Trade Union Vision for a New
and United Ireland”
By: Trade Unionists for a New and United Ireland (TUNUI)
Having read the above pamphlet and a response to it on the Workers International Network website (https://www.onthebrink.online/) by Joe Duffy I thought I would put forward a somewhat different view on the arguments put forward in the pamphlet “A Trade Union Vision for a New and United Ireland”
The TUNUI Pamphlet “A Trade Union Vision for a New and United Ireland” argues that if trade unionists put forward their demands for a better life this could be achieved in a New and United Ireland provided a referendum on the issue is held and is successful; it states:
“In this civic discussion, trade unionists should be demanding the right to collective bargaining, a living wage, a Bill of Rights, universal health care and affordable housing in a New and United Ireland”
This pamphlet then explains why workers should vote for a New United Ireland and goes on to describe all the wonderful gains that would flow to workers from it.
- Irish Unity will enhance democracy on our island
- Irish Unity can help heal the divisions that exist on our island
- Irish Unity will allow us to tackle climate change as an island
- Irish Unity can allow for all-island economic planning.
- An All-Ireland National Health Service
- Decent pay and strong workers’ rights legislation
- A Bill Of Rights
- All-Ireland Climate Action
- A constitutional right to housing
- Fair and progressive taxation
A Bill Of Rights
What the TUNUI Pamphlet doesn’t explain is when these benefits will be achieved or who will bestow them on the working class. So let us have a look at one of the gains to be achieved in the New United Ireland, namely A Bill Of Rights.
We find under the heading “A Bill Of Rights” the following opening sentence “A Bill of Rights is a key aspect of the Good Friday Agreement which has, unfortunately, still not been implemented.” Now the Good Friday Agreement was signed on 10 April 1998. On 10 December 2008 the Northern Ireland Human Rights Commission (NIHRC) produced its report recommending an extensive and comprehensive bill of rights for Northern Ireland.
The Northern Ireland Office (NIO), the UK government department responsible for Northern Ireland, after considering the recommendations of the NIHRC for a year, published its consultation document on a bill of rights for Northern Ireland on 30 November 2009. In their report, the NIO rejected the majority of the NIHRC’s recommendations on the basis that the rights suggested by the NIHRC were not specific to the circumstances of Northern Ireland (as required by the terms of reference), and that as such they might be more appropriately addressed as part of the debate over a UK bill of rights. So what happened next? Well as the TUNUI Pamphlet informs us this key aspect of the Good Friday Agreement, after more than 22 years since that agreement was signed has, unfortunately, still not been implemented. It must still be under consideration or perhaps it has got lost in the long grass.
Sinn Fein’s Coalition With The Democratic Unionist Party (DUP)
I think it’s worthwhile pointing out that Sinn Fein have been in a coalition government in Northern Ireland with the right-wing DUP since 2007 (14years) and as far as I am aware they have never taken any decisive action to get any sort of Bill of Rights implemented. But this does not mean that Sinn Fein never took decisive action on issues they thought important. For example the Cash for Ash Scandal; this was a heating scheme overseen by Arlene Foster (DUP); a renewable energy scheme using wood pellets as fuel. The Northern Ireland Government paid the participants more than the cost of the fuel, so the more fuel they burnt the more cash they made. But that wasn’t all; there was serious concern about how the participants were selected. The scheme’s reported potential cost to the public purse was almost £500 million.
The scandal first came to light in 2016 with Arlene Foster now being the First Minister. She refused to step down during any inquiry, saying that to do so would be seen as admitting to some culpability in the matter.
In January 2017 Martin McGuinness (Sinn Fein) resigned as deputy First Minister in protest; Sinn Fein refused to nominate a new deputy First Minister because of the “arrogance and disrespect of the DUP” this in turn triggered an election the result of which solved nothing, as the Assembly could not function under these conditions it was shutdown.
During the shutdown of the Assembly, Assembly members received their pay so they at least suffered no hardship. This was not the case for the people of Northern Ireland; government funding which had to be signed off by Ministers could not be released. One economist claimed the shutdown cost £100 million. The Department of Health warned that the health service was ‘heading over the cliff edge” and they were not the only public service to suffer. During the shutdown workers across Northern Ireland from both sides of the sectarian divide called for services to be restored and for the pay of Assembly Members to be stopped.
The General Election held on 12 December 2019 saw Sinn Fein’s support drop 6.7% and the DUPs by 5.4%. Less than a month after these results the suspension of the Northern Assembly which lasted for almost 3 years ended. It is amazing what a little bit of self-interest can achieve. On 11 January 2020 the Assembly reconvened. An inquiry into the Cash for Ash affair commenced on 1 February 2017 and issued its report on 13 March 2020. Presumably this too is still under consideration or maybe it’s just lost in the long grass.
If Sinn Fein had pursued the adoption by the Northern Ireland Government of a Bill of Rights for all workers in Northern Ireland with a similar determination as the pursued the Cash for Ash affair they might have been able to make some dents in the sectarian divide and achieved some improvement in working class unity in the North. Similarly if they would have opposed the anti-working class austerity measures of the Conservative Government they would have gone some way to foster working class unity. But that is too fanciful; working class unity is not in Sinn Fein’s DNA.
Sinn Fein’s Background
In the 1960s some leading figures in Sinn Fein were moving towards socialist policies, they wanted to abandon the armed struggle and take up social issues affecting the working class. The right wing traditional republicans opposed these policies they wanted to stick to the national question and the armed struggle. Towards the end of 1969 the split in Sinn Fein began to solidify and the issue formally came to a head on 11 January 1970 when Sinn Fein split in two with the right-wing setting up what was then called Provisional Sinn Fein and Provisional IRA. At this meeting Provisional Sinn Fein pledged allegiance to the 32-county Irish Republic and the Provisional Army Council.It also declared itself opposed to the ending of abstentionism and the drift towards socialism.
Provisional Sinn Fein is the third split from Sinn Fein; Cumann na nGaedheal split on 27 April 1923 and in 1933 merged with smaller groups to form Fine Gael.
The next to split was Fianna Fáil on 23 March 1926 when a group of Dáil deputies led by Éamon de Valera split from the original Sinn Féin. From the formation of the first Fianna Fáil government on 9 March 1932 until the 2011 general election, the party was in power for 61 of the 79 years
The Civil Rights Movement
At the same time as the events above were taking place, things were moving in Northern Ireland. Protest movements were springing up in nationalist areas against inequality and discrimination against nationalists, including; bad housing conditions, demands for universal suffrage in Council elections and many other issues, many protest demonstrations and marches were held
In January 1969, the anti-sectarian organisation People’s Democracy organised a “Long March” from Belfast to Derry modelled on the civil-rights march to Montgomery, Alabama. The march was attacked repeatedly along the way, but as it developed it drew more supporters and participants. By marching through “Unionist territory” it exposed Northern Irish sectarianism and the unwillingness of police to defend the right to protest. As they neared Derry, at Burntollet Bridge an Ulster loyalist crowd numbering in the region of 300, including 100 off-duty members of the Ulster Special Constabulary (B-Specials) attacked the civil rights marchers from adjacent high ground. Stones transported in bulk from William Leslie’s quarry at Legahurry were used in the assault,as well as iron bars and sticks spiked with nails. Nearby members of the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) did little to prevent the violence. Many of the marchers described their assailants’ lack of concern about the police presence. Eighty-seven marchers were hospitalized.
When the marchers reached Derry, the city exploded in riots. Following a night of rioting, RUC men entered the Bogside a nationalist ghetto, wrecked a number of houses and attacked several people. This led to a new development: Bogside residents set up “vigilante” groups to defend the area. Barricades were put up and manned by the locals for five days.
On 17 April 1969 the Mid Ulster by-election was held, following the death of the Ulster Unionist MP. There were 2 candidates Anna Forrest Ulster Unionist, wife of the former Ulster Unionist MP and Bernadette Devlin, who was part of People’s Democracy and was on their march to Derry; she stood as a Unity candidate. Bernadette Devlin’s campaigned on a programme of improving the lives of both nationalist and unionist workers using as an example of the need for workers to unite and campaign against the unhealthy housing conditions suffered by unionist on the Shankill Road and nationalists on the Falls Road. Devlin took 53.3% of the vote and the Ulster Unionist vote dropped by 5.6%.This election showed what could be achieved by standing for workers unity, opposing sectarianism and putting forward socialist policies.
The Start of the Troubles
Following the Orange Order Apprentice Boys march in Derry on 12 August 1969 rioting erupted at the end of an Apprentice Boys parade which was passing along the City Walls past the nationalist Bogside. Fierce rioting broke out with local unionists and the police on one side and nationalist on the other. Rioting between police and Bogside residents continued for three days. The police were unable to enter the area and eventually the British Army was deployed to restore order. The riot, which sparked widespread violence elsewhere in Northern Ireland, is commonly seen as one of the first major confrontations in the conflict known as the Troubles.
The British Army was deployed to restore order on 14 August; peace lines were built to separate nationalist and unionist districts. The Republic’s government set up field hospitals and refugee centres near the border, and called for a United Nations peacekeeping force in Northern Ireland. The British government held an inquiry into the riots, and the B-Specials were disbanded. On the night of 14 August 1969 republicans exchanged shots with the RUC and loyalist gunmen amid riots along the interface with the mainly Unionist Shankill area.
When the RUC pressed into the nationalist district it was followed by a loyalist mob. The loyalist mob rampaged through Bombay Street in west Belfast, throwing incendiary devices into each home; 60 or so houses were burnt to the ground. An eye witness stated “the soldiers retreated and fired a tear gas bomb and there was silence for a while except for the crackle of the houses burning”
On 23 August 1969, Catholic Cardinal William Conway together with the Bishops of Derry, Clogher, Dromore, Kilmore, and Down & Connor, issued a statement which included the following:
The fact is that on Thursday and Friday of last week the Catholic districts of Falls and Ardoyne were invaded by mobs equipped with machine-guns and other firearms. A community which was virtually defenceless was swept by gunfire and streets of Catholic homes were systematically set on fire. We entirely reject the hypothesis that the origin of last week’s tragedy was an armed insurrection.
Internment without Trial
Operation Demetrius was a British Army operation in Northern Ireland on 9–10 August 1971 of mass arrest and internment (imprisonment without trial) of 342 people suspected of being involved with the IRA. Armed soldiers launched dawn raids throughout Northern Ireland, sparking four days of violence in which 20 civilians, two IRA members and two British soldiers were killed. Due to faulty intelligence, many had no links with the IRA. Ulster loyalist paramilitaries were also carrying out acts of violence, which were mainly directed against Nationalists and Irish nationalists, but no loyalists were included in the sweep.
The Ballymurphy massacre was a series of incidents between 9 and 11 August 1971, in which the 1st Battalion, Parachute Regiment of the British Army killed at least nine civilians in Ballymurphy, Belfast, as part of Operation Demetrius. The shootings were later referred to as Belfast’s Bloody Sunday, The 1972 inquests had returned an open verdict on all of the killings,but a 2021 coroner’s report found that all those killed had been innocent and that the killings were “without justification”
Bloody Sunday, on 30 January 1972 in the Bogside area of Derry British soldiers shot 26 civilians during a protest march against internment without trial. Fourteen people died: 13 were killed outright, while the death of another man four months later was attributed to his injuries. Many of the victims were shot while fleeing from the soldiers, and some were shot while trying to help the wounded. Other protesters were injured by shrapnel, rubber bullets, or batons, and two were run down by army vehicles. All of those shot were Nationalists. The march had been organised by the Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association (NICRA). The soldiers were from the 1st Battalion, Parachute Regiment (“1 Para”), the same regiment implicated in the Ballymurphy massacre several months earlier
Bloody Friday is the name given to the bombings by the IRA in Belfast, on 21 July 1972, At least twenty bombs exploded in the space of eighty minutes, most within a half hour period. Most of them were car bombs and most targeted infrastructure, especially the transport network. Nine people were killed: five civilians, two British soldiers, a RUC reservist, and an Ulster Defence Association (UDA) member, while 130 were injured. The IRA said it sent telephoned warnings at least thirty minutes before each explosion and said that the security forces wilfully ignored some of the warnings for its own ends. The security forces said that was not the case and said they were overstretched by the sheer number of bombs and bomb warnings, some of which were hoaxes.
On 10 February 1975, the Provisional IRA and British government entered into a truce and restarted negotiations. The IRA agreed to halt attacks on the British security forces, and the security forces mostly ended its raids and searches. However, there were dissenters on both sides. Some Provisionals wanted no part of the truce, while British commanders resented being told to stop their operations against the IRA just when they claimed to have had the Provisionals on the run.
The security forces boosted their intelligence offensive during the truce and thoroughly infiltrated the IRA.
There was a rise in sectarian killings during the truce, which ‘officially’ lasted until February 1976. Loyalists, fearing they were about to be forsaken by the British government and forced into a united Ireland, increased their attacks on nationalists. Loyalists killed 120 nationalists in 1975, the vast majority civilians. They hoped to force the IRA to retaliate and thus end the truce.
The Kingsmill massacre was a mass shooting that took place on 5 January 1976 near the village of Whitecross in south County Armagh, Gunmen stopped a minibus carrying eleven Unionist workmen, lined them up alongside it and shot them. Only one victim survived, despite having been shot 18 times. A Nationalist man on the minibus was allowed to go free. A group calling itself the South Armagh Republican Action Force claimed responsibility. It said the shooting was retaliation for a string of attacks on Nationalist civilians in the area by Loyalists, particularly the killing of six Catholics the night before. The Kingsmill massacre was the climax of a string of tit-for-tat killings in the area during the mid-1970s, and was one of the deadliest mass shootings of the Troubles.
Labour Must Wait
Sinn Fein issued a statement in August 1969 stating:
“The present events in the Six Counties are the outcome of fifty years of British rule. The civil rights demands, moderate though they are, have shown us that Unionist rule is incompatible with democracy. The question now is no longer civil rights, but the continuation of British rule in Ireland.
Sinn Fein’s statement echoes the words of Eamon de Valera in 1918, when ordering his followers that the fight for socialism had to take a back seat to the struggle for national independence.
It seems that as far as Sinn Fein is concerned the reunification of Ireland is not a political matter that involves social issues. They totally ignore the gains that were made in the Mid-Ulster By-election when the Unity Candidate, Bernadette Devlin, campaigning on social issues, is estimated to have won 7,000 unionist votes which secured her victory.
There is no argument that working class communities, where most of the fighting took place, needed to defend themselves against sectarian attacks, often led, in nationalist areas, by the police, either in or out of uniform. If Sinn Fein had worked with the community defence committees that had developed; If the non-sectarian Unity campaign based on social issues were allowed to continue along the lines advocated and practiced by Connolly & Larkin that is of uniting unionist and nationalist workers to fight together against their common enemy the capitalists who exploit them, then think what gains could have been achieved. But no, that was not Sinn Fein’s agenda the community defence committees were pushed to one side and Sinn Fein’s political struggled was one of Nationalist Sectarian Guerrilla Warfare with unionist workers viewed as part of the enemy, as in the Kingsmill Massacre.
A Referendum on a United Ireland
Sinn Fein are not interested and (TUNUI) don’t seem to want to know the likely attitude of the loyalist paramilitaries to such a referendum nor its impact on the Irish working class particularly in Northern Ireland. Sinn Fein claims that there is a parliamentary majority in the Republic of Ireland for a Referendum on a United Ireland. This majority is made up of TDs from Fine Gael, Fianna Fáil and Sinn Fein, with most of this majority talking in terms of the next decade or more.
Now Sinn Fein state that in such a referendum a majority of 50% +1 will result in a United Ireland. Now back in the 1970s it is widely agreed that in Northern Ireland there was a majority of 50% +1 to remain in the United Kingdom but that did not stop Sinn Fein from mounting their unsuccessful Sectarian Guerrilla War to achieve their goal of a United Ireland.
The Loyalist Paramilitaries
What I don’t understand given for example that in 1974 Loyalist Paramilitaries set off three bombs in Dublin in the rush hour and one in Monaghan some 90 minutes later; 33 people were killed and almost 300 inured. Or that in 1975 during the peace talks between the IRA and the British Government, Loyalist paramilitaries, fearing they were about to be forsaken by the British government and forced into a united Ireland, increased their attacks on nationalists killing 120 in 1975 alone. Or that 7,000 people, from both sides of the sectarian divide, were violently displaced during the troubles. Given these examples how is it possible that anyone with the slightest knowledge of Northern Ireland would think for a moment that the Loyalist Paramilitaries, who have had it drummed into them for over two hundred years that they are surrounded by hostile Papists who are just waiting for a chance to murder them, would sit on their hands before, during and after such a referendum.
I should point out what their preachers forget to tell them that in fact the Pope supported William of Orange in his war against the catholic King James the second and that when word of William’s victory over James reached the Vatican in 1690 the Pope held a special religious service to celebrate this great victory.
Now I would think that it is a strong probability that the Loyalist Paramilitaries will wage a Sectarian GuerrillaWar similar to that waged by the IRA. The only difference would be that the targets would be nationalist in the Northern and the Republic of Ireland. This in turn would provoke Republican Paramilitaries to respond in kind and the sectarian conflict would start up again. This is a proven recipe for reinforcing the sectarian divide and would prove a real barrier to attempts to promote working class unity.
Labour Must Stop Waiting and Start Acting
The supporters of TUNUI want us to believe that their campaign will bring all sorts of benefits to the working class. But who is going to deliver these benefits. Clearly it is not the government in the South they are in breach of the International Labour Organisation’s conventions giving workers the right to collective bargaining and provide union officials with the right of access to workplaces. Similarly it is not the DUP in the North they have happily implemented the Tories Anti-Union Laws, Austerity Laws and are opposed to the Good Friday Agreement. That only leaves Sinn Fein, but how can that be, the text above shows that Sinn Fein in the North has not opposed the Tories Anti-Union Laws, Austerity Laws and has done next to nothing to implement the Bill of Rights which is a key aspect of the Good Friday Agreement. Furthermore by their actions they have shown that they are a Sectarian Nationalist Party that treats unionist workers as their enemy. What is more as we have seen they support the right-wing policy Éamon de Valera stated in 1917:
“The party was not opposed to labour, but while they held in their hands the big question of Irish liberty they could not deal with labour problems. Once there was a national parliament and freedom, they would see what could be done to give practical effect to the aspirations of labour”.
Éamon de Valera’s government Fianna Fáil as we have seen was in power for 61 years between 1932 and 2011 and they are currently in a coalition government with Fine Gael and we know what they have done to “give practical effect to the aspirations of labour.” They have done absolutely nothing. Why would anyone, given the history of Sinn Fein and knowing that they openly opposed socialist policies when they broke from the Officials, expect them to act any differently the Fianna Fáil, after all they are both from the same stable.
The TUNUI pamphlet states that:
“TUNUI believes the conditions have been met for an Irish Unity referendum to be held. Political parties that are explicitly in favour of partition are now a minority in both the Stormont Assembly and among the north’s Westminster MPs. Only 8 MPs out of 18 are unionist, while only 39 MLAs out of 90 are unionist.”
The Good Friday Agreement states that:
“the Secretary of State” should call a referendum “if at any time it appears likely to him that a majority of those voting would express a wish that Northern Ireland should cease to be part of the United Kingdom and form part of a united Ireland.”
Now do any supports of TUNUI actually seriously believe that a British Secretary of State, particularly one belonging to the Conservative and Unionist Party is going to admit that: “it appears likely to him that a majority of those voting would express a wish that Northern Ireland should cease to be part of the United Kingdom and form part of a united Ireland” and I for one wouldn’t hold my breath waiting for a Labour British Secretary of State, if and when that happens, to act differently.
The whole strategy put forward by the TUNUI in their pamphlet “A Trade Union Vision for a New and United Ireland” is totally non-credible. The TUNUI’s strategy totally depends for its success on the capitalists’ politicians firstly supporting a referendum for a united Ireland. The fact is that the Southern capitalists abandoned the idea of a united Ireland in 1913 having seen the latent power of the Irish working class in the Belfast Dock Strike in 1907 and the Dublin Lockout in 1913. However it would be highly unlikely that they would voice opposition outright, it is more likely that they would say that: “the circumstances are not favourable for uniting Ireland at this present time; that more time is need to explore all the issues and that maybe in five or ten years’ time circumstances will be more favourable. It is possible to imagine the capitalists supporting a Unity Referendum but to imagine that the capitalists would agree to include in the Referendum measures designed to weaken their power and strengthen that of the working class so that worker can fight more effectively against their exploitation by the capitalist class; is asking far too much.
Now some naive trade unionist with little experience of working life might think that their employer is fair-minded in their treatment of employees and sometimes they might be if it doesn’t cost them anything. But how any trade union official, who has not sold out to the capitalist, can have such thoughts is totally beyond credibility.
If the TUNUI had put forward as part of their strategy the inclusion of a campaign now including the threat of industrial action; to end poverty wages, to improve workers living standards by raising all workers’ wages. Also to mount a national campaign to end the housing crisis by demanding the establishing direct labour organisations with workers having full union rights and with building land and finance brought under state control; with building standards and all financial matters being scrutinized by the local trade unions and community organisations as a measure to stamp out corruption. At the same time TUNUI should launch a campaign to ensure that the Irish Trade Union Movement didn’t make any collaborative agreements with the capitalists and their politicians which restricted workers’ rights; including the rights to organise, the right to union representation, the right to access other trade unionists, the right to take industrial action, including industrial action in support other workers in struggle, plus other similar measures. Then such a campaign would raise working class awareness, build working class solidarity and cut across the propaganda of the Sectarians and Paramilitaries.
But the TUNUI pamphlet contains no such proposals. In effect it tells the Irish working class to be patient and wait for a United Ireland for then perhaps we can get the capitalists to do something they refuse to do now; namely give the working class a decent life.
Given the TUNUI policy, I really don’t understand is why their pamphlet “A Trade Union Vision for a New and United Ireland” includes a quote from James Connolly and his picture on the back page. Is this camouflage? The pamphlet has nothing in common with the programme and policies Connolly promoted in the struggles he led against the capitalists.
The TUNUI pamphlet is basically re rebranding of the right-wing police of Éamon de Valera namely; LABOUR MUST WAIT.
Below are some of James Connolly’s thoughts on the issue of Irish Unity.
James Connolly – Let Us Free Ireland!
From Workers’ Republic, 1899.
Let us free Ireland! Never mind such base, carnal thoughts as concern work and wages, healthy homes, or lives unclouded by poverty.
Let us free Ireland! The rackrenting landlord; is he not also an Irishman, and wherefore should we hate him? Nay, let us not speak harshly of our brother – yea, even when he raises our rent.
Let us free Ireland! The profit-grinding capitalist, who robs us of three-fourths of the fruits of our labour, who sucks the very marrow of our bones when we are young, and then throws us out in the street, like a worn-out tool when we are grown prematurely old in his service, is he not an Irishman, and mayhap a patriot, and wherefore should we think harshly of him?
Let us free Ireland! “The land that bred and bore us.” And the landlord who makes us pay for permission to live upon it. Whoop it up for liberty!
“Let us free Ireland,” says the patriot who won’t touch Socialism. Let us all join together and cr-r-rush the br-r-rutal Saxon. Let us all join together, says he, all classes and creeds. And, says the town worker, after we have crushed the Saxon and freed Ireland, what will we do? Oh, then you can go back to your slums, same as before. Whoop it up for liberty!
And, says the agricultural workers, after we have freed Ireland, what then? Oh, then you can go scraping around for the landlord’s rent or the money-lenders’ interest same as before. Whoop it up for liberty!
After Ireland is free, says the patriot who won’t touch socialism, we will protect all classes, and if you won’t pay your rent you will be evicted same as now. But the evicting party, under command of the sheriff, will wear green uniforms and the Harp without the Crown, and the warrant turning you out on the roadside will be stamped with the arms of the Irish Republic. Now, isn’t that worth fighting for?
And when you cannot find employment, and, giving up the struggle of life in despair, enter the poorhouse, the band of the nearest regiment of the Irish army will escort you to the poorhouse door to the tune of St. Patrick’s Day. Oh! It will be nice to live in those days!
“With the Green Flag floating o’er us” and an ever-increasing army of unemployed workers walking about under the Green Flag, wishing they had something to eat. Same as now! Whoop it up for liberty!
Now, my friend, I also am Irish, but I’m a bit more logical. The capitalist, I say, is a parasite on industry; as useless in the present stage of our industrial development as any other parasite in the animal or vegetable world is to the life of the animal or vegetable upon which it feeds.
The working class is the victim of this parasite – this human leech, and it is the duty and interest of the working class to use every means in its power to oust this parasite class from the position which enables it to thus prey upon the vitals of labour.
Therefore, I say, let us organise as a class to meet our masters and destroy their mastership; organise to drive them from their hold upon public life through their political power; organise to wrench from their robber clutch the land and workshops on and in which they enslave us; organise to cleanse our social life from the stain of social cannibalism, from the preying of man upon his fellow man.
Organise for a full, free and happy life FOR ALL OR FOR NONE.